Category Archives: NSW Inland

GÜNTHER AND THE WIRADHURI REFLEXIVE

 

One of a number of puzzles in Archdeacon Günther’s work on Wiradhuri, as printed in Fraser 1892*, relates to the reflexive. Günther had provided the following information on page 62:

—————
1 Günther, James. 1892. Grammar and Vocabulary of the Aboriginal Dialect called The Wirradhuri. In An Australian language as spoken by the Awabakal, the people of Awaba or Lake Macquarie (near Newcastle, New South Wales) being an account of their language, traditions and customs, edited by J. Fraser. Sydney: Charles Potter, Govt. Printer. Original edition, c.1840.
————–

6. Dillinga dilli
(reflexive); as, 
[Gunther example]
[JS RETRANSCRIPTION]
[Gunther translation]
bumangi-dillinga,
buma-ngi-dili-nga
‘to beat one’s self’; 
mirama-dillinga, 
mira-ma-dili-nga
‘to defend one’s self.’
From this, Günther is stating that the derivational suffix marking the reflexive is ‘-dili’. This is akin to the reflexive suffix in such nearby NSW languages as the Sydney language (Biyal Biyal: BB) and the Hunter River language (Awabakal: AWA), where it is -li.
A few pages later, in a section specifically on the reflexive, Günther offers examples corresponding to ten tenses. He does this without offering translations, so provoking difficulties for later readers. The passage in question, with modification to presentation as in the table above, is the following, from page 67:
REFLEXIVE MOOD.
[Gunther example]
[JS RETRANSCRIPTION]
[JS TRANSLATION]
l.
Dalġydyillinga 
da-l-ngidyi-li-nga
eat oneself now
2
Dalġidyillingarrinni 
da-l-ngi-dyili-ngari-ni 
was eating oneself this morning
3
Dalġidyillingurranni 
da-l-ngi-dyili-ngara-ni
was eating oneself recently
4
Dalġidyillinyi 
da-l-ngi-dyili-nyi 
did eat oneself at some former period
5
Dalġidyillin 
da-l-ngi-dyili-n
did eat oneself this morning
6
Déinġidyillin
diyi-ngi-dyili-n 
had eaten oneself before some event
7
Dalliġidyilligirri
da-li-ngi-dyili-giri
going to eat oneself now
8
Wari dalliġidyillingarriawagirri
wari da-li-ngi-dyili-ngari-yawa-giri 
will eat oneself this morning
9
Wari dalliġidyillingarri
wari da-li-ngi-dyili-ngari-giri
will eat oneself at some time hereafter
l0.
Wari déinġidyillingirri
wari diyi-ngi-dyili-nGiri 
certainly eat oneself will
Note: The ġ (with the overdot) in the examples is a character used by the editor, John Fraser, to mark the ‘eng’ (or ŋ) sound, as in ‘sing’.
There really are only three tenses in languages such as Wiradhuri, not ten. In the table, two of these are clearly marked. Of these, ‘Future’ is the clearer, with its ‘-giri’ final suffix (examples #7-10 in the table).
‘Past’ is almost as clear, indicated by the final suffix variants of –ni (#2 and #3), –nyi (#4), and -n (#5 and #6). 
The first example in the table is in the present tense. 
Shades of meaning are provided by the insertion of various ‘derivational suffixes’ such as –ngari / –ngara in #2, #3 and #8 indicating time close to the present, whether ‘just now’ (past) or ‘presently’ (future).
Given that the examples arise in a section purporting to be on the reflexive, and given that elsewhere in Fraser’s work the ten tenses are defined, some translations are inevitable. The problem is the actual resulting translations, when set boldly in print. Take the first, for example — ‘eat oneself now’. Really? The others can be seen to be equally improbable statements. 
Such apparent near absurdities (one might imagine someone eating himself, but only just) force this collection of examples to be questioned. Do they really indicate what is claimed? And if not, what if anything might they actually mean?
In the table, the central retranscription column offers a tentative word division into component elements. This analysis is probably wrong, in parts at least. Let us now consider some of its constituent items in the set of examples: the suffixes.
-l
After the stem da-, which means ‘eat’, there is ‘-l’. This is a transitiviser, and is frequently found. It means eating something, rather than just ‘eating’.
-ngi, or -ngidyi, or dyili
Let us leave these aside for the moment.
-li (at the end of -dyili etc.)
Perhaps –li is a separate entity. In BB and AWA it does indicate reflexive, but for these particular examples, on the basis of the absurdity already noted, reflexive does not seem likely here.
Perhaps –li might indicate something else. In fact, –li both in BB and AWA also may indicate continuity, and the same applies also at times in Wiradhuri. On translation into English, this is marked on verbs with the suffix ‘-ing’, as in ‘eating’.
There is another possibility. A number of examples elsewhere in Günther’s text offer a further meaning for –li in Wiradhuri: ‘may’. However, such a usage does not fit these examples with elegance.
-ngari
As stated above, –ngari indicates time close to the present, such as ‘this morning’.
-yawa (see #8)
Indicates ‘instantly’
-ngi
In the Wiradhuri database there are many examples of ‘-ngi’ as a stem-forming suffix. As such, it is one of several of as yet unclear function. –ngi might indicate ‘be’. In the present instances, such a role might indicate eating simply taking place, or ‘being’. While this is possible, it is now conjectured that this may not be what is happening in the case of the examples in the table. Instead, here follows the alternative suggestion.
ngidyi = ‘here’
In the Bayala database for Wiradhuri there are the following examples:
Australian
respelt
English
Eng JSM
source
“ngidyi”
ngidyi =
“here”
here  :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:65:43.1] [Wira]
“Ngidye”
ngidyi =
“here; there”
here  [there]:
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:92:53] [Wira]
“Ngidyegallila”
ngidyi-gali-la =
“here; emph.”
here emph :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:92:54] [Wira]
“Ngidyinguor”
ngidyi-nguwur =
“on this side”
here place :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:92:56] [Wira]
“Wiraidu nidge ngindilu bungalli ngindi”
wirayidu ngidyi ngindila bangali ngindi =
“I do not like this place.”
not I here want  place from want  :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:114:19] [Wira]
“Ngidyi (ngadhi) ngulumugu.”
ngidyi (ngadi) ngulumugu =
“Here (there) is an end”
here (there) face-lacking:
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:115:2] 
“Ngadhu ngidyi gigulle waiangagiri”
ngadu ngidyi gigali wayangagiri =
“I that tree go-round-will”
I here tree go-round will  :
Mathews WIRA 1904 [:290:27.1] [Wira][Wira]
Each of this new set of examples features ‘ngidyi’, meaning ‘here’. There is no reason why the adverb ‘here’ should not be inserted as a link in the suffix chain. Generally, such a suffix would need to appear after any  stem-forming suffixes, and after the transitiviser, and before any tense markers or bound pronouns. In the supposed ‘reflexive’ examples, –ngidyi does this.
So, imagining that the examples might all contain ngidyi ‘here’ (as divided up originally in the first example), the meanings for the ten examples, and analysis, might be revised as:
REVISED TRANSCRIPTION
REVISED TRANSLATION
Idiomatic
l.
da-l-ngidyi-li-nga
eat here -ing now
eating here now
2
da-l-ngidyi-li-ngari-ni 
eat here -ing a.m. did
was eating here this morning
3
da-l-ngidyi-li-ngara-ni
eat here -ing a.m. did
was eating here this morning
4
da-l-ngidyi-li-nyi 
eat here -ing did
was eating here
5
da-l-ngidyi-li-n
eat here -ing did
was eating here
6
diyi-ngidyi-li-n 
eat here -ing did
was eating here
7
da-li-ngidyi-li-giri
eat here -ing will
will be eating here
8
wari da-li-ngidyi-li-ngari-yawa-giri 
eat here -ing presently instantly will
presently will start immediately eating
9
wari da-li-ngidyi-li-ngari-giri
eat here -ing presently will
will be eating here presently
l0.
wari diyi-ngidyi-li-nGiri 
certainly eat here -ing will
will certainly be eating here
If this revision should be correct, then Günter’s passage was completely wrong. However, the reflexive marker might still be –dili, as indicated at the outset, as quoted above.
Tuesday 8 May 2012
==================

Five verbal suffixes

Suffixes attached to verbs
In Australian indigenous languages, or some at least, there seem to be five kinds of suffixes that may be attached to verb stems. Not all five are present every time, and in fact it seems to be rare to have more than one, two or three of them. They might be classed as follows:
transitiviser [trvsr] 
stem-forming suffix [SFX]
derivational suffix [DFX]
status suffix
tense marker
In some languages (such as Wiradhuri and the Sydney language [BB]), these suffixes might be followed by bound pronouns in the order nominative then accusative (these most commonly being ‘I’, or ‘I-thee’).
The best readily available examples of a more complex kind come from Wiradhuri, as shown in the table:
Australian
respelt
English
ENG JSM
source
“nu-l-ngidjilinja-ngari-awa-giri-li”
nu-l-ngi-dyili-ndya-ngari-yawa-giri-li =
“gave-each other-morning-tomorrow-shall-we-two: we-two will exchange it tomorrow morning”
give self a.m. will we-two:
Capell: NAAL, 1 [:52:4] [Wira]
“Dalġidyillingarrinni”
da-l-ngi-dyili-ngari-ni =
“2. [Imperfect-definite, I was or was doing—this morning. ]”
eat self a.m. did :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:67:3] [Wira]
“Dalġidyillinyi”
da-l-ngi-dyili-nyi =
“4. [Second-aorist, I was or did—at some former period. ]”
eat self did :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:67:5] [Wira]
“[Wari déinġidyillingirri]”
diyi-ngi-dyili-nGiri =
“[10. [Future-perfect, I will have done: JS]]”
eat xxx self will :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:67:6.51] [Wira]
“Giwalġarrin”
giwa-l-ngari-n =
“Def. past (b) [6.  Pluperfect, had been or done—before some event. ]”
cook a.m. did :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:67:15.1] [Wira]
“Dalliġidyilligirri”
da-li-ngi-dyili-giri =
“[7.  Inceptive-future, I am going to or shall, be or do—now.  ]”
eat xxx self will :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:67:6.2] [Wira]
“Yanġarriawagirri”
ya-ngari-yawa-giri =
“Def. fut. [8. Future-definite, I am going to or shall, be or do—tomorrow morning. ]”
go a.m. sequence will :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:67:16.2] [Wira]
These (except for the first) are taken from:
Threlkeld, Lancelot Edward. 1892. An Australian language as spoken by the Awabakal, the people of Awaba or Lake Macquarie (near Newcastle, New South Wales) being an account of their language, traditions and customs / by L.E. Threlkeld; re-arranged, condensed and edited with an appendix by John Fraser. Sydney: Charles Potter, Government Printer.
No direct translations were provided, the reader being left to deduce the actual meanings from the accompanying general grammatical description. 
In the second, ‘respelt’, column the structure of the verb form is revealed through the use of hyphens. In the various of the examples, after the stem, the following suffixes can be seen:
TRVSR:
-l
transitiviser
SFX:
-ngi
a stem-forming suffix, perhaps also a transitiviser
DFX:
-dyili-ngari / -ngari-yawa
derivational suffixes
TENSE MARKERS
-n / -ni / nyi [past] / -giri / nGiri [future]
tense markers
STATUS SUFFIX
In the two examples below, after the derivational suffix ‘-mambi’ (permit), there is in each case what has been termed above a ‘status suffix’. This is ‘-ra’.
“Bundimambirra”
bandi-mambi-ra =
“to let fall”
drop permit  :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:76:28] [Wira]
“Yannamambirra”
yana-mambi-ra =
“to let go”
go permit :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:108:16] [Wira]
In the Wiradhuri language ‘status suffixes’ may also take the form of:
-ra -na -nga -nya
It is tempting to class these as ‘conjugations’, but that view is not held here. Instead it is thought that each of these suffixes conveyed a specific shade of meaning. In the absence of direct guidance by the writers and recorders of the nineteenth century, one can only speculate, and this is here attempted:
-ra: an active or vigorous shade of meaning
-na ?
-nga more passive; simply being or happening
-nya perhaps a recording variant of -nya
Examples of these status suffixes follow (see especially the second column):
Australian
respelt
English
ENG JSM
source
“Babbirra”
babi-ra =
“to sing”
sing  [Conj. 5]:
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:69:34] [Wira]
“Báddarra”
bada-ra =
“to bite”
bite  :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:69:49] [Wira]
“Nulgurrah”
nalga-ra =
“To shine”
shine  :
SofM 18991021 [154.1 Shropshire-Wooragurie] [:154.1:16] [Wira]
“ŋanna”
nga-na =
“see”
see  :
KAOL Ridley [WIRA] [:128:22.2] [Wira]
“wágana”
waga-na =
“to dance”
dance  :
HALE pace WATSON [:506:15] [Wira]
“Warranna”
wara-na =
“to stand”
stand  :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:105:8] [Wira]
“kabinga”
gabi-nga =
“to begin”
begin :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:65:2.1] [Wira]
“Gumbinga”
gambi-nga =
“to wash, to bathe.”
wash  :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:88:39] [Wira]
“Mugginga”
magi-nga =
“to close the eyes.”
blind be :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:99:22] [Wira]
“ngûngga”
ngu-nga =
“Give”
give  :
Mathews WIRA 1904 [:302:65] [Wira]
“Kabin-ya”
gabi-nya =
“to begin fighting; to begin.”
begin  fighting:
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:95:28.1] [Wira]
“bundinya”
bundi-nya =
“Fall”
fall  :
Mathews WIRA 1904 [:302:58] [Wira]
“wīnya”
wi-nya =
“to sit”
sit  :
HALE pace WATSON [:509:7] [Wira]
OTHER SINGLE SUFFIXES ATTACHED TO STEMS
Are single suffixes found directly after the stem ‘status suffixes’ of ‘stem-forming suffixes’?
In the following table, -ba and -ma do not appear to be ‘status suffixes’ but rather stem-forming suffixes, indicating ‘do’ and ‘make’:
“Wa-rhaa’ba”
wara-ba =
“To make a noise.”
noise make :
SofM 19030123 [198 Richards] [:200.1:19] [Wira]
“Worr-raa’ ba”
warA-ba =
“Screaming. …”
scream  :
SofM 19020826 [114 Richards] [:118.2:30] [Wira]
“yabber”
ya-ba =
“To Speak”
speak  :
SofM 18991121 [192.1 Richardson-WIRA] [:193.1:33] [Wira]
“Burrumma”
bara-ma =
“To hold”
hold  :
SofM 18991021 [154.2: Kable/Coe-Cowra] [:154.2:93] [Wira]
““Gor’ ra-ma,’”
gara-ma =
“i.e., to cough or expectorate.”
cough  :
SofM 19030123 [198 Richards] [:198.2:15] [Wira]
Likewise, the same question arises with the suffixes -da, -dya and -la. In fact, in the following cases (and in other instances like them), these are possibly imperatives rather than either ‘status’ or ‘stem-forming suffixes’:
Australian
respelt
English
ENG JSM
source
“Boonbuther”
bunba-Da =
“To run”
run  :
SofM 18991021 [154.2: Kable/Coe-Cowra] [:154.2:102] [Wira]
“wilbuddha”
wilba-Da =
“Whistle”
whistle  :
Mathews WIRA 1904 [:302:120] [Wira]
“Waratha”
wara-Da =
“Wait for me”
wait  :
SofM 19010422 [44 Thomas–Wiraiari] [:45.3:6] [Wira]
“bangadya”
banga-dya =
“Cut”
cut  :
Mathews WIRA 1904 [:302:83] [Wira]
“yawidya”
yawi-dya =
“Swim”
swim  :
Mathews WIRA 1904 [:302:107] [Wira]
“[Mabidya! Mabidya! Nganha-dhu bubay yala-ngidyal.]”
mabi-dya =
“[Stay, stay, that I may have a little conversation.]”
sit  :
Hale WIRA (Grant, Rudder) [:92:10.1] [Wira]
“Bumalla”
buma-la =
“beat thou”
beat IMP! :
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:60:32.1] [Wira]
“Weejelah”
widyi-la =
“To drink”
drink  :
SofM 18960810 [12.3: JM-Wooradgerry] [:12.3:2] [Wira]
“ngunnulla”
ngana-la =
“Think”
think  :
Mathews WIRA 1904 [:302:63] [Wira]
SUFFIXES: BOUND PRONOUNS
As mentioned above, in addition to verbal suffixes, in some languages there may also be ‘bound’ pronouns affixed to verbs. So it is that in the following two examples, after ‘-giri’ (future tense marker), bound pronouns can be seen for ‘I’, ‘him’ and ‘thee’:
“Boom-mol—gee’ ree—joo—na”
buma-l-giri-dyu-na =
“I will hit him. …”
beat will I him:
SofM 19020826 [114 Richards] [:115.1:13] [Wira]
“Bod’ dthal—gee’ ree—n(y)al”
baDa-l-giri-nyal =
“Will bite you. Done in you will do in bite.”
bite will thee:
SofM 19020826 [114 Richards] [:114.3:6] [Wira]
These are:
-dyu-na ‘I him’ [1sgNOM, 2sgACC]
-nyal ‘me’ [1sgACC]
OTHER LANGUAGES
To show that the same or similar structures occur in other languages, various examples from Sydney are presented in the following table:
Australian
respelt
English
ENG JSM
source
“Ta-boa mil-li-jow”
dabawa-mi-li-dya-wu =
“Painted white”
white make self did I:
Anon (c) [c:18:13] [BB]
“Münyemüngadyemínga”
manya-ma-nga-dyi-mi-nga =
“You made me start”
start  make someone did thou me:
Dawes (b) [b:18:9] [BB]
“˚ Píyibaouwinga ˚”
bayi-ba-wi-nga =
“˚ They will beat me. ˚”
beat will they-all me:
Dawes (b) [b:40:43] [BB]
“Tyarrsbabaouínia”
dyara-ba-ba-wi-nya =
“I will throw it (water) over you”
distress  will I thee:
Dawes (b) [b:20:16] [BB]
“Måpiadyími”
ma-baya-dyi-mi =
“You speak an unknown language”
bad-speak did thou:
Dawes (b) [b:18:10] [BB]
“P. Piabuniwínya”
baya-buni-wi-nya =
“I did not speak to you”
speak lacking I thee:
Dawes (b) [b:34:1.1] [BB]
These examples show:
—SFX: -mi, -ma, -ba
TENSE MARKERS: -dya/-dyi (past); -ba (future)
BOUND PRONOUNS -wu (I); -mi (thou); -nga (me; -wi (they-all); -nya (thee)
JEREMY STEELE
Monday 26 March 2012
===================

MURUWARI WORDS wan: Negative imperative: don’t

The word “waan”, spelt with a long double-a, appears fairly frequently in the work of Lynette Oates:
Oates, Lynette Frances. 1988. The Muruwari language. Canberra: Dept. of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University
and is shown as meaning ‘tree’, or ‘stick’.
So when wan arose in the following:
wan
puumpi-ta
wii
hey!
blow-IMP
fire-ABS
Hey you, blow the fire up!
it looked as possibly wrong. This was a sentence abvout ‘fire’, and it seemed as though there might be a mistake: wan might not be an interjection (‘hey!’) but more probably something to do with a tree (perhaps on fire) or stick (to put on the fire).
In the second wan occurrence, however, there seemed to no possible connection with ‘tree’ or ‘stick’. Instead, the imperative as claimed by Oates seemed plausible:
wan
witji
tha-n-muka
hey!
meat-ABS
eat-R-CONT+IMP
Eat your meat!
Nevertheless wan still seemed an unlikely interjection — ‘wan’ as a sound just seemed too feeble, perhaps owing to the English ‘wan’ meaning pallid, weary, sickly and generally weak.
 
So an enquiry was made to see if other inland NSW languages could shed any light on wan. The following instances were uncovered:
“wunna !”
wana =
“far be it!” :
not so
KAOL Ridley [KML] [:37:36] [KML]
“Wai!”
wayi =
“look out”
look out!  :
Mathews WIRA 1904 [:291:9.2] [WIRA]
“wah”
wa =
“beware, or exclamation of surprise”
beware!  :
Mitchell, J.F.H 9CY reel 681 [:109:] [WIRA]
This confirmed that a word beginning wa- could indeed be an exclamation. And this discovery in turn prompted a wider enquiry encompassing the coastal languages of NSW, to see if wa- or wan- words turned up in any of those, with similar connotations. There were a number of occurrences.
For Minyung in the far north-east of the state, wana had the sense of negative imperative, ‘don’t’:
“wana”
wana =
“… negative of the imperative. It means ‘leave it alone…”
not do  :
Livingstone [:18:29] [Mnyg]
wana-nga was encountered in other languages to the north but much nearer to Sydney than Minyung: The negative feature persisted but the imperative less strongly:
“[Whannunga neemoor ?]”:
wananga =
“[Leave it alone]”:
Tkld GDG Aust Voc  [126.2:7.1] [Gdg?]
“wonanga”
wananga =
“To give up”
give up, to  :
SofM 1899 07 21 [p.106.1 Armidale] [:107:39] [[BPI]]
“Wurnangah”
wananga =
“To give up”
give up, to  :
SofM 1897 02 27 [p.16.3: B-DGDI] [:17:25] [DGDI]
However, in Sydney, this same word wana-nga, was recorded by First Fleeter William Dawes, with the full negative imperative sense of ‘don’t’:
“Waunánga”
wananga =
“Don’t ye”
not do:
Dawes (b) [b:22:11] [BB]
The form wana-wara was recorded by R.H. Mathews, in the Sydney region, in the Dharug language: wana-wara was a negative imperative with the sense of ‘stop’, ‘desist’:
“Wan´nawarra”
wana-wara =
“leave off, let me go”:
Mathews: 8006/3/5- Nbk 5 [115:2] [DG]
Dawes provided another example featuring wana, but did not give a translation:
“[Wauná wauná Bogîbóonî]”
wana =
“[Answer: [NOT TRANSLATED]]”
want not  :
Dawes (a) [a:7:5.11] [BB]
However, the words can be translated based on other examples in the body of Dawes’s work. ‘Wauná wauná bogibuni’ means: ‘[negative –negative] swim/bathe-lacking’. From this it appears that wana retains the negative imperative (or emphatic) connotation, suggesting an idiomatic translation of ‘No, I don’t want to bathe/swim’.
In three final Dawes examples, negativity (‘not’) is present, but the imperative sense (do!’) is missing. The meaning for wana appears to be, as in the last example, ‘not want’:
“Waúnadîémî”
wana-dyi-mi =
Will Would you not?”
want not did thou:
Dawes (b) [b:22:20] [BB]
“Wånadyu-ínia”
wana-dyu-wi-nya =
“I don’t desire your company”
want not did I thee:
Dawes (b) [b:24:12] [BB]
“[Mínyin mìwå´na?]”
mi wana =
“[Why won’t you have it?]”
want not  :
Dawes (b) [b:17:9.1] [BB]
A final wana example comes from Wiradhuri in a complex verb provided by Gunther:
“Wannamindyarra”
wanamindyara =
“to neglect, to be careless; to care for no longer; to forgive.”
neglect  forgive, to:
Günther WIRA (Fraser) [:104:29] [WIRA]
In the sense of ‘neglect’, the negative thread is maintained, but the imperative is missing.
The conclusion is that wa / wan can function as an imperative, or interjection, and that it might have negative overtones.
Friday 22 July 2011

The ‘buga’ puzzle

MURUWARI WORDS

Lynette Oates has produced a comprehensive introduction to Muruwari, a language group straddling the NSW-Qld border south of Cunnamulla and north of Bourke, Brewarrina and Lightning Ridge. The reference is:
Oates, Lynette Frances. 1988. The Muruwari language. Canberra: Dept. of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University.
It includes over 1100 sentences and verbs for which Oates has provided a grammatical analysis. Unsurprisingly, for such a large body of work, there are some puzzles and mysteries for the general enquirer looking into the language as presented by Oates. Here is one of them, with Oates’s analysis below:
kuntarl wuluwi-pu pinathini puka-ma-yu-na
dog-ABS   bark+PR-3sg   hear+PR   3sg-DAT-VBS-1sg-LCL
I hear a dog barking.
gundarl
wuluwibu
binaDini
bugamayuna
dog-ABS
bark+PR-3sg
hear+PR
3sg-DAT-VBS-1sg-LCL
This can be further broken down:
gundarl
wulu
wi
bu
bina
Dini
buga
ma
yu
na
dog-ABS
bark
+PR
-3sg
hear
+PR
3sg-DAT
-VBS
-1sg
-LCL
In the ‘Bayala databases’ bayaladatabases.blogspot.com this has been respelt as shown above, together with a revised translation:
gundarl
wulu
wi
bu
bina
Dini
buga
ma
yu
na
dog
woof
repeat
he
hear
BARK
make
did
there
The following explanation of the components is offered for the non-specialist.
gundarl          dog-ABS
This shows that ‘gundarl’ means ‘dog’. ‘ABS’ means ‘absolutive’, which in turn shows that the word is a noun and that it has no ending, or suffix. In this respect Australian indigenous languages are gratifyingly simple. If no suffix is needed, then it is omitted. Word order is not particularly important, but at the same time words do not occur in a capricious jumble. An ending would be needed on dog in the case of such a sentence as ‘dog man bite’, which might be equally presented as ‘bite man dog’ or  ‘man dog bite’, in order to show who is doing the biting. Such a suffix ends in ‘-u’ in Muruwari, 
usually –ngGu, or just –u, as in:
gundarlu        yidaA  ngaNa
dog      bite did me
The dog bit me.
But in the case of the sentence being lookied at here, ‘I hear a dog barking’, as no-one or thing other than the  dog could be doing the barking, the sentence is said to be ‘intransitive’, and no suffix is needed. This no-suffix condition is called ‘absolutive’. When there is a question as to who or what is doing whatever, a suffix is needed to show the ‘do-er’. Such a suffix is referred to as ‘ergative’. In fact the ergative suffix is nothing more than a ‘flag’ to mark who is doing the action when there is a doubt.
wulu-wi-bu    bark+PR-3sg
wulu’ means ‘to bark as a dog’, but in the Bayala databases the word ‘woof’ is used to distinguish it from ‘bark on a tree’—for which ‘bark’ is retained.
 
‘-wi’: Oates has marked this as ‘PR’, for ‘present tense’, and so it is. But it is more. In Australian indigenous languages, suffixes after verb stems give additional information, and –wi, in Muruwari, indicates generally an idea about ‘reversal’ or ‘going back’ and the like; and also about ‘recurring’ or ‘repeating’. In this case of  the dog, you can think of -wi as signifying ‘woofing’ going on, as dogs are inclined to do.
 
‘-bu’ is a common pronoun ending, third-person singular, signifying ‘he’, ‘she’ or ‘it’. In Australian indigenous languages generally only the one pronoun form is used, unlike the case of the three found in English.
So ‘wulu-wi-bu’ means ‘woof-repeat-he’ when reduced to the basic ideas.
binaDini         hear+PR
In reality, in Muruwari, ‘bina’ means ‘ear’ and ‘Dini’ means ‘stand’. ‘ear-stand’. Imagine a dog with its ears pricked up. It is ‘hearing’ or ‘listening’. So that is what ‘binaDini’ means: ‘hear’ or ‘listen’; and it is in the present tense, as Oates has indicated.
Now comes the puzzle:
bugamayuna            3sg-DAT-VBS-1sg-LCL
Oates has given a complex explanation, and she might well be right. But if she is, the sentence does not make much sense. Her analysis:
3sg-DAT-VBS-1sg-LCL
 
might be translated as:
3sg-DAT
-VBS
-1sg
-LCL
him-for
verbed
I
place
This would mean the whole sentence would read:
dog      barking he       hear     him-for / verbed / I / place
which is supposed to mean: ‘I hear a dog barking.’ It just does not seem to fit. 
So what could this last component, ‘bugamayuna, really be? Well, here is a suggestion.
Oates provided over 100 examples of the use of pidgin, or basically English words, incorporated into Muruwari everyday speech, such as the following three:
“pulaayinkin”
BULAYINGIN =
“blanket (Eng.)”
BLANKET 
Oates [:372:23] [MRWI]
“wanti-ma”
WANDI-ma =
“to want”
WANT  :
Oates [:132:24] [MRWI]
“parta”
BARDA =
“butter (Eng.)”
BUTTER  :
Oates [:374:5] [MRWI]
Given the sentence in which ‘buga‘ occurs, perhaps the ‘buga’ in ‘buga-ma-yu-na’ might be ‘bark’: ‘buga’, ‘bark’—why not? No more far fetched than the other pidgin examples.
And if so, what of the three suffixes attached to this stem: ‘-ma-yu-na’?
• ‘-ma’ is a suffix fairly widespread in NSW languages meaning ‘make’ or ‘do’, sometimes attached to nouns to make them into verbs, as suggested by Oates’s ‘VBS’, for ‘verbaliser’.
• ‘-yu’ is indeed the first-person bound pronoun ‘I’ as indicated by Oates’s ‘-1sg’ — but perhaps not in this instance. What if a simple transcription error had been made, and the suffix were in fact ‘-ya’ instead? This suffix occurs innumerable times in the Murawari record compiled by Oates, and is referred to as ‘declarative’ when attached to a verb stem. It cannot be readily translated, but it might be considered as meaning ‘in fact’ or ‘as a matter of fact’: hence the term ‘declarative’.
• ‘-na’, the final suffix, when attached to a verb, commonly has an idea of ‘place’. It can be translated as ‘here’ or ‘there’. This suffix is commonly written ‘-ni’ or ‘-na’; and when it is ‘-ni’ it might more possibly suggest ‘here in the present’, while ‘-na’ might correspondingly more likely denote ‘there in the past’.
Australian indigenous languages can be succinct and subtle in this use of verbal suffixes.
So, instead of Oates’s:
3sg-DAT
-VBS
-1sg
-LCL
him-for
verbed
I
place
for ‘buga-ma-yu-na’, the real interpretation might instead be:
buga
ma
ya
na
BARK
make
(in fact) did
there
which sounds more plausible. And the whole sentence would be as shown earlier:
gundarl
wulu
wi
bu
bina
Dini
buga
ma
yu
na
dog
woof
repeat
he
hear
BARK
make
did
there
or ‘The dog barked; (I did) hear; bark did (it) there’, which more or less corresponds to the original translation of ‘I hear a dog barking’.